How can one effectively describe Washington? The simile the word evokes in my mind is that of a malfunctioning engine, a motor whose gears are jarringly rotating in opposition, preventing it from accomplishing its raison d’être – direction and motion. It is certainly popular to adopt this perception, and with good reason, but perhaps assigning the totality of guilt to Washington is an assessment that does not take into account an important part of the pathology of the current legislative disease: its origin, we the people. That city is a reflection of the country at large. It is invested -or infested – with the personalities we elect and therefore its inability to function is not a cause but a symptom of a discord inherent in the country itself.
Now I am loathe to identify myself with a political party – based on the principle that such identification induces one to adopt opinions based not on factual, rational assessment but rather because some arbitrary person or group of people who happen to identify themselves with the same party possess them. It seems to me that if you were a republican in the early 90s, you probably shouldn’t be a republican now – that is, if you identified yourself with that party because of the positions they maintained and not merely because they were republican positions. In the end, I do not believe notions of categorical right or wrong can be applied to the two primary political philosophies that animate our American experiment. They are embodiments of priority and value derived from differing moral predilections that do not allow for a logical assessment of supremacy; but, given that our constitution was designed by our forefathers in order to secure us representational government, and, given that neither of the two competing philosophies is maintained exclusively by the current population, they must find a way to coexist.
The inability to compromise is the seed of totalitarianism. Underlying sustained, political intransigence is a belief in unilateral authority. The current immutability of will of the republican house regarding revenue increases is antithetical to the spirit of majority rule: they are holding the vast majority of the population, who believe in a balanced approach to deficit reduction, hostage to the radical views maintained by a small minority of citizens. The rhetoric is particularly aggravating. There is a difference between deficit reduction and spending cuts – one functions as a noun and the other a verb. Spending cuts is one of two means that can work either in isolation or in combination to serve the purpose of deficit reduction. The current republican strategy seems to be to use the bugaboo of deficit reduction as a ruse in order to justify the promotion of an ideologically driven agenda: it is the transformation of deficit reduction from an end to a means.
This all leads me to the conclusion that we really shouldn’t call ourselves the United States of America anymore, but, rather, the divided states of republican and democrat. The ridiculous drama currently being played out in Washington is just a microcosm of the disorder that affects the macrocosm of the whole country.
If the spirit of compromise is absent in a multilateral society, and that absence manifests itself at the legislative level, then that society ceases to function as a democracy. I am not sure how we have become so severely and resolutely divided as a nation – though I would hypothesize it is a reflection of a media system that promotes warped political interests at the expense of truth – but it is this internal opposition that is driving our dysfunction.
The synthesis of conflicting views in the policies of a democratic nation is the method by which that nation’s actions are most in consonance with the will – or wills – of its people: compromise is the precondition to democratic government. If we continue to forget this truth, then we won’t have to worry about the rise of china or terrorism or any other external threat: our greatest enemy will simply be ourselves.
